From Gonzalo Lopez, this interesting historical fact:” LA COSA NOSTRA EN MÉXICO”de JUAN ALBERTO CEDILLO.Para enfrentar el aumento de las adicciones, el gobierno del presidente Lázaro Cárdenas se deshizo del modelo policíaco que las combatía y decretó una “revolucionaria” medidapara su época: legalizó las drogas en el último año de su mandato. El 17 de febrero de 1940 se publicó en el Diario Oficial de la Federación el nuevo Reglamento Federal de Toxicomanía, con el cual el Estado pretendía crear un monopolio para la venta de fármacos prohibidos, los cuales serían distribuidos a los adictos a su costo; de esa manera se evitaría que los compraran a los narcotraficantes.
El proyecto se había presentado meses atrás al gobierno de Estados Unidos, explicando a sus funcionarios que “era imposible acabar con el tráfico de drogas debido a la corrupción de la policía y de los agentes especiales, y por la riqueza e influencia política de algunos traficantes”. El cerebro detrás de esa medida fue el doctor Leopoldo Salazar Viniegra, un respetado investigador médico que se desempeñaba como director del Departamento de Salubridad Pública. Salazar Viniegra argumentó ante funcionarios estadounidenses “que sólo había una manera de frenar el tráfico de narcóticos en México”, y era que el Estado
creara un monopolio para la venta de fármacos prohibidos a los drogadictos, a precio del costo para sacarlos de la influencia de los narcotraficantes.
Sin embargo, Washington consideró las medidas de Salazar como un “peligro” para Estados Unidos y comenzó a cabildear ante el gobierno mexicano para que fuera removido de su cargo. Primero intentaron desprestigiar al funcionario, quien tenía estudios de medicina en la Sorbona de París y gracias a sus investigaciones como neurólogo y en la psiquiatría era considerado “el Pasteur mexicano”. En esa época realizaba una serie de investigaciones para demostrar que la mariguana no era una droga adictiva, que era inofensiva y que no producía los daños que se le atribuían. Para demostrar sus conclusiones, en una ocasión distribuyó cigarrillos entre los miembros del Comité Nacional de Drogas Narcóticas, sin que supieran que estaban hechos con mariguana. Posteriormente escribió en uno de sus reportes que “no sucedió nada anormal entre los fumadores”. Además, él personalmente fumaba mariguana para que sus interlocutores observaran los cambios en su conducta y se convencieran de que no sucedía nada “anormal”.
Salazar también había realizado estudios con alrededor de 400 presos mexicanos, a quienes les surtió gratis cigarrillos de mariguana durante un tiempo; de esa manera sacó a los narcotraficantes de las cárceles de la ciudad de México. Sus investigaciones también se realizaron en el hospital psiquiátrico conocido como “La Castañeda”, donde laboró durante 14 años. En ese manicomio repartía cigarrillos a los internos para que fumaran la yerba en “grandes cantidades”. Salazar afirmaba “que la planta no era dañina para el ser humano y que nadie había perdido la razón con su uso”. Su plan consideraba legalizar su siembra y cobrar un impuesto a los agricultores, como sucedía con el tabaco.
Sin embargo, Washington rechazó esas aseveraciones; sus diplomáticos protestaron contra el plan del médico mexicano, el cual consideraron como peligroso, ya que podría propiciar una “invasión” de droga desde la frontera sur. No obstante, a pesar de la oposición de los diplomáticos estadounidenses, en México se autorizó el nuevo reglamento, el 17 de febrero
de 1940, el cual permitió a los médicos proporcionar drogas a los adictos, principalmente morfina, a los precios que el Estado mexicano pagaba por ella; un funcionario del Departamento de Salud supervisaría la cantidad que se les suministraba. Los adictos deberían estar registrados ante las autoridades, y con su número de registro y una receta de su doctor podrían adquirir drogas en cualquier farmacia de la capital del país. Sin embargo, los farmacéuticos no podían vender drogas más allá de las autorizadas para fines terapéuticos.
El Departamento de Salud también creó dispensarios para atender a los “toxicómanos, a quienes no consideraba delincuentes sino enfermos”. En esas clínicas el adicto pagaba su dosis y se le suministraba la droga cuando él la solicitara. El primer dispensario para drogadictos comenzó a operar en la Calle Versalles del centro de la capital; a él acudieron alrededor de 700 personas. Pagaban 20 centavos por la inyección, y entre 10 y 12 pesos por cinco dosis diarias. Salazar afirmó que gracias a ese dispensario, Lola la Chata estaba perdiendo alrededor de 2 600 pesos diarios.
Los burócratas de Washington (verdadera Sede de La Cosa Nostra) cabildearon en contra de Salazar con funcionarios mexicanos afines a su punto de vista, quienes pronto se aliaron con ellos. Posteriormente gestionaron ante la Oficina Central Permanente del Opio, con sede en Ginebra, para que impusiera un embargo de medicamentos a México. Esa dependencia era la única responsable de autorizar a ciertos países la siembra y producción de opio y morfina para fines médicos, productos que el gobierno mexicano compraba, principalmente, en Inglaterra y Holanda, a pesar de que en Sinaloa existía una gran siembra de amapola; no obstante, el país no podía procesar el opio para crear sus propios medicamentos. A los pocos meses el embargo comenzó a tener efecto, y la principal firma farmacéutica de la República Mexicana, la empresa alemana Casa Beick Félix y Cía., comenzó a resentir la escasez de narcóticos terapéuticos.
Harry A. Anslinger informó al gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas que “el embargo sería levantado cuando México aprobara la suspensión del reglamento”.
Debido a las presiones de Estados Unidos, el 3 de julio de 1940 el Diario Oficial publicó “el Decreto que suspende la vigencia del Reglamento Federal de Toxicomanía”. La medida se justificó argumentando que debido a la guerra en Europa había grandes dificultades para la adquisición de las drogas. La diplomacia de Washington se había anotado un trascendental triunfo ante sus homólogos mexicanos, enterrando la revolucionaria medida con la que se pretendía combatir al narcotráfico en México. A partir de entonces regresó el modelo policíacoque perdura hasta nuestros días.Tomado del libro:“La Cosa Nostra en México (1938-1950)”, Juan Alberto Cedillo, pgs. 24-27.Grijalbo 2011.
Category: Latin America
What to expect from the 2016 special UN session on global drug policy?
3 years to shift the balance of power from the drug prohibitionist camp to the reformist camp at the UN
On November 27, the UN General Assembly adopted a Mexican proposal to hold an emergency drug policy summit, scheduled for early 2016 after an intensive preparatory process that will begin next year.
The proposal was first introduced to the UN general Assembly by Mexico, Colombia and Guatemala on September 26, joined by Honduras, Costa Rica and Belize on November 12. It was then backed by the majority of Latin American governments, as well as those of Spain and Portugal at the Ibero-American Summit in Cadiz, on November 17.
While all the backers of the proposal share a common concern about the calamitous drug-trafficking situation in the region, they are far from agreeing on a common approach and seem to be all over the spectrum on the issue. Uruguay is on the verge of becoming the first country in the world to legalize marijuana under state control. Guatemalan President Otto Perez Molina has been the most vocal advocate of legalization since taking office in January, while neighboring Honduras led by Porfirio Lobo, is a hard-line prohibitionist, with most other countries spread between these two extremes.
The two key regional players, Colombia and Mexico have voiced rather ambiguous positions. Colombian President Santos has repeatedly expressed his support for legalization, if the rest of the world agrees, a big if indeed, but has refused so far to take the lead of a drug policy reform alliance. He may be getting closer to assuming this role for which he is particularly suited. In his foreword to the report “Governing The Global Drug Wars” published in October by the Transnational Institute, President Santos declared: “The time has come to take a fresh look and we invite world leaders, scientists and experts to start an open, serious and honest debate about this war. The time has come to think outside the box… This is a global problem that demands a global solution, and therefore a new international consensus is needed.”
The Mexican position has been even more puzzling since Calderon took office in 2006 and started a brutal confrontation with the Mexican drug cartels that left over 60,000 casualties, 25,000 disappeared and over 200,000 displaced. Internally, Calderon defended fiercely his hardcore War on Drugs policies, while abroad, he has repeatedly admitted that “market-oriented approaches” should be considered. He even declared on September 24, 2012, at the Council on Foreign Relations: “ Let’s be honest, I don’t see any [solution] other than the regulation of drugs in the global marketplace, starting here, in the United States.” (“Seamos honestos: no se me ocurre otra que no sea la regulación de las drogas en el mercado global, empezando por aquí, por Estados Unidos”). It should be noted that the last two former Mexican Presidents, Vicente Fox and Ernesto Zedillo are both active drug policy reformists.
Mexican president Felipe Calderon term ended on December 1st, and the position of his successor Enrique Peña Nieto is still unclear. Peña Nieto was invited at the White House on November 27, and the recent legalization of marijuana in Colorado and Washington was on the agenda, even is nothing transpired. While he reiterated his personal opposition to legalization, in a Time interview published on November 27, Peña Nieto acknowledged that it may be time to reassess the War on Drugs and called for a hemispheric debate on its effectiveness. According to Peña Nieto, state legalization “creates certain distortions and incongruences, since it’s in conflict with the [U.S.] federal government… That will impact how Mexico and other countries in the hemisphere respond.” He even raised the possibility that Mexico itself may legalize marijuana.
On the other side of the Atlantic, Portugal and Spain have some of the most liberal drug policies in the world. Portugal, where all drugs have been decriminalized in since 2000, is held as the poster-boy of drug policy reform, while cannabis clubs are legal in Spain, with the blessing of the Spanish Supreme Court.
So, what does the prospect of a UN summit on drug policy means for the drug policy reform movement, and what can be expected from it? There have been after all quite a few similar events since the Adoption of the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs. Will 2016 be the year when reality finally sinks in within the international community that drug prohibition has failed and that it is time to look for more sustainable alternatives? There are good reasons to believe so.
The 1971 Convention on Psychotropic Substances set lofty goals of complete eradication of drug use, toned down to a 50% reduction within 10 years in 1988, a goal reiterated in 1998, but abandoned altogether in 2008 amidst growing restlessness within the UN community. Furthermore, the “soft on drugs” label is rapidly losing its stickiness as the political risk of drug reformist positions is plummeting rapidly. Drug policy reform may even start turning into political asset in some circumscriptions, as was the case in Washington this November, when most of the Democrat political establishment lined up behind the legalization initiative.
As the consensus behind the War on Drugs starts crumbling, and as countries start breaking ranks and rejectthe dominant approach to drug policy altogether, the international community will see reduced opportunities for reprisals and sanctions. Uruguay’s intention to legalize marijuana under state control has been met with rather muted UN opposition so far. Sanctions against Uruguay will be hard to justify if similar sanctions are not imposed on Washington and Colorado, a prospect not even remotely likely, and may just galvanize regional rancor. Other Latin American countries might emulate the Uruguayan model, with neighboring Argentina a real potential candidate.
In the US, the number of medical marijuana states is likely to reach 20 in 2013 as proposals are set to be presented to several state legislatures, including New Hampshire, Illinois and New York. Rhode Island, Maine, Vermont, and Massachusetts, as well as Oregon and Montana may also try to adopt full marijuana legalization through their legislatures, while a legalization initiative is already on the drawing board in California. The battle has even been brought to the US Congress, with a bipartisan bill that would enable the states to make their own marijuana laws. The bill is probably still symbolic at this stage, and stands very little chances, but it may be a harbinger of things to come.
Embroiled in a deep economic and financial crisis, Europe is staying relatively on the sidelines on drug policy issues, even though (or maybe because), European drug policies are generally leaning on the liberal side and drug abuse is substantially lower there than in the US.
Ultimately, the fate of the 2016 special session lies most likely in Washington DC. The US has been the initiator, main architect and chief sponsor of the prohibitionist approach for over a century, and has over the years imposed her prohibitionist policies to the rest of the world. All current international treaties on illicit drugs having been produced and backed by successive US administrations over the past 50 years, a complete U-turn seems unlikely. But with 18 states and the district of Colombia in oblique violation of the international treaties and Colorado and Washington now squarely confronting them, the “tough on drugs” stance is increasingly untenable. Unless it reverses its attitude and draws the lessons from a century of failed prohibitionist rule, the US will be increasingly stuck between a rock and a hard place and her prohibitionist-in-chief posture will become more and more indefensible.
I have argued for quite some time that drug policy reform will be achieved by cracking the US prohibitionist backbone through the combined internal pressure from the states and external pressure from the US allies, principally, in Latin America. In a truly historic year for drug policy reform, the pieces of the global drug policy reform puzzle appeared to be falling into place one by one in 2012, and the US resolve seems to be faltering. The Obama administration appears hesitant after the decisive victories for marijuana legalization in Colorado and Washington. By intensifying the crackdown on medical marijuana over the past few years, Obama brought the War on Drugs to the Caucasian community, which may have further galvanized support for legalization. Whether hidden agenda or law of unintended consequences, it clearly narrowed the administration’s margins of maneuver and crackdowns on the newly legalized marijuana states may backfire even more, further stiffening support for legalization.
While the 2016 special session could easily be derailed, if drug policy reformists, especially in Latin American and within the US, use the next three years to keep resolutely pushing for reform, we may see the emergence of a global coalition and a new global consensus on drug policy. This is an opportunity that reform activists cannot afford to waste.
Jeffrey Dhywood
Investigative writer,
Author of “World War D – The Case against prohibitionism, roadmap to controlled re-legalization”
“World War-D” on Amazon: http://www.amazon.com/dp/0984690409/
www.world-war-d.com
Facebook page: http://www.facebook.com/worldward
Twitter: @JDhywood
jd (at) world-war-d.com
Further readings
http://www.insightcrime.org/news-briefs/un-debate-global-drug-policy
http://www.druglawreform.info/en/un-drug-control/item/3980-governing-the-global-drug-wars
Turning a corner in the War on Drugs
The decisive victories for marijuana legalization in Washington and Colorado on November 6th transform the global drug policy debate
After declaring in 1971 “We must wage total war against public enemy number one in the United State, the problem of dangerous drugs”, President Richard Nixon prematurely claimed victory On September 11, 1973, “We turned the corner on drug addiction in the United states. Drug addiction is under control.” Almost 40 years later, we might indeed be turning a corner in the war on drugs, though not quite the corner envisioned by Nixon, as 2012 is poised to enter the history books as a turning point in the failed war on drugs, and will hopefully signal the beginning of its unfolding.
Discontent about the failed war on drugs policies has been brewing for quite a while, especially in Latin America, but outside of that region, the debate rarely reached much beyond academic and activist circles. Things changed in June 2011 when drug policy reform grabbed the headlines across the world for the very first time with the publication of the Global Commission on Drug Policy Report. The report was signed by an impressive slate of prestigious individuals including seven former heads of state and the former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, and was a seminal event for drug policy reform. Another important event, The Merida Declaration on December 6, 2011, went virtually unnoticed by the media and drug policy experts alike. Issued at the Tuxtla Dialogue and Agreement Mechanism in Yucatan, Mexico, the declaration was signed by eleven heads of state and high-level representatives of Central America and the Caribbean, including Mexico, Colombia and Chile, and asked “consuming countries … to explore possible alternatives …, including regulatory or market oriented options.”
2012 started with a bang when retired right-wing general Otto Perez Molina, newly elected president of impoverished Guatemala, rattled the world and instantly placed his country on the map by declaring the war on drugs a failure and forcefully advocating legalization. Recently emerged from a decades-long brutal civil war, Guatemala is one of the world’s worst-hit countries by narco-violence, together with its unfortunate neighbors, Honduras and Salvador.
Perez Molina has been unwavering ever since. He brought the drug legalization debate to the April Summit of the Americas, a gathering of all heads of state across the continent, from Canada to Tierra del Fuego, except Cuba (banned by the US). More recently, he brought the debate to the UN general Assembly and was joined by Mexico and Colombia, the two major US allies in the War on Drugs, for a call to revise the international treaties on illicit drugs.
As Perez Molina is actively trying to build a coalition for drug policy reform, he met in early November with newly re-elected Hugo Chavez with legalization on the agenda. Venezuela is a major entry-point on the transit route of cocaine to the US through its extremely porous frontier with Colombia, and has often been a safe haven for Colombian narco-traffickers. However, the relationship between the Chavez regime and his cumbersome guests seems to be turning sour as violence has escalated dramatically in the country. Leftish Chavez joining right-wing Perez Molina in a coalition for drug policy reform might mollify the other members of the leftish Latin American coalition that includes Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia. Left-leaning Argentina president Kirchner might join as well. Uruguay announced in June its intention to legalize marijuana under state control and the proposal is currently churning through the legislative process, with vote expected before Christmas.
The US being by far, the largest market for illegal drugs in the world, the decisive victories of the marijuana legalization initiatives in Colorado and Washington take special significance in such a context. It is noteworthy that the US Justice Department refrained from taking a position on these initiatives during the campaign despite being urged by legalization opponents.
November 6 was a watershed moment for marijuana legalization and drug policy reform. Both initiatives enjoyed wide support across the political spectrum ranging from the state democratic party to the GOP US Senate Candidate for Washington, Michael Baumgartner, or former GOP Congressman Tom Tancredo in Colorado. Sponsored by former US attorney John McKay and current City Attorney Peter Holmes, and with backing from the mayor and the entire city council of Seattle as well as the Seattle Times, the Washington initiative lined up the most impressive slate of main-stream backing and enjoyed double digits victory. Curiously, in Washington and Colorado, the staunchest opposition came from the medical marijuana communities. The Oregon initiative, placing no restrictions on cultivation for personal use, was generally considered too radical and was soundly defeated. The Massachusetts medical marijuana initiative provided the icing on the cake with a landslide victory and was another clear indication of the growing disconnect between politicians and the public on drug policy issues.
The marijuana legalization victories in the US will have momentous implications for Latin America and places the federal government in an awkward position, caught between internal and external pressure for reform. It certainly weakens its hands in its negotiations with its increasingly restive allies in the war on drugs. It might also give the needed impetus for the crystallization of a coalition of the willing and rally the support of the countries such as Costa Rica that have prudently stayed on the sideline until now.
The 22nd Ibero-American Summit, held on November 16 – 17 2012 in Cadiz, hosted by Spain and attended by Portugal and most Latin American countries provided a good test of the effects of marijuana legalization victories. Portugal and Spain have some of the most liberal drug policies in the world. Despite the economic crisis that has been shaking Southern Europe for the past few years, the summit offered a favorable environment for an open debate on drug policy reform and the final declaration called for an urgent UN debate on drug policy and an analysis of the potential consequences of legalization.
Colombian President is increasingly insistent in his call for global debate but remains reluctant to take a leading position. Meanwhile, the 5-months long relative power vacuum in Mexico will finally be filled when President-elect Enrique Peña Nieto takes office on December 1st. Peña Nieto will travel to Washington on December 4th and the recent legalization of marijuana in Colorado and Washington will be high on the agenda. While he reiterated his personal opposition to legalization, in a Time interview published on November 27, Peña Nieto acknowledged that it may be time to reassess the War on Drugs and called for a hemispheric debate on its effectiveness and even raised the possibility that Mexico itself may legalize marijuana. Colombia has long sought the support of Mexico in its pressure for drug policy reform, a support that Calderon could never offer openly. Peña Nieto’s positions have been ambiguous so far, but he might not have alternatives if he cannot contain the violence in Mexico, a prospect that seems highly unlikely. There is always, of course, the possibility that the PRI will broker a pax-narca, but the fragmentation of the cartels and the emergence of the brutal Zetas may very preclude this possibility.
In the US, the reaction of the federal government has been muted so far, cantoned to a reiteration of the supremacy of federal laws. The president’s options might be limited, especially as the solid victory in both Washington and Colorado and a landslide medical marijuana victory in Massachusetts diametrically reverse the political risk of marijuana legalization, with opposition to the issue becoming increasingly politically risky with youths and minorities, two key constituencies in the rapidly evolving electoral landscape.
Several states, including Illinois and New York are expected to push medical marijuana through their legislatures while New England states intend to move to the next step to legalize recreational marijuana. This would of course further weaken the Federal government hand in its negotiations with the states as well as with its Latin American allies. There is no doubt that the November victories will embolden the states to resist federal interference with their marijuana policies, and will dampen Latin American appetite for the hardcore prohibitionist policies of the past. A corner has most likely been turned in the War on Drugs on November 6, 2012, a corner towards legalization.
Jeffrey Dhywood
Investigative writer,
Author of “World War D – The Case against prohibitionism, roadmap to controlled re-legalization”
“World War-D” on Amazon: http://www.amazon.com/dp/0984690409/
www.world-war-d.com
Facebook page: http://www.facebook.com/worldward
Twitter: @JDhywood
jd (at) world-war-d.com
Obama’s quandary
After two decisive victories for marijuana legalization in Colorado and Washington State, what to expect from Obama?
With the historic and decisive victories for marijuana legalization in Colorado and Washington State, the War on Drugs has been dealt a severe blow this November 6th, and the global drug policy debate has entered a whole new phase. Marijuana is still illegal for the federal government, which overrules states’ rights, and this is probably just the beginning of the battle. The U.S. Department of Justice reacted by saying that its enforcement policies remain unchanged, adding: “We are reviewing the ballot initiative and have no additional comment at this time.”
Medical marijuana also won in a landslide in Massachusetts, bringing to 18 the number of states (plus the district of Colombia) where marijuana is legal for medical purpose, further complicating the task of the Federal Government. A medical marijuana initiative in Arkansas, the first of its kind in the deep-South and the Bible belt, fared much better than expected, ending up narrowly defeated at 49 to 51 when most polls were predicting double-digits loss. This could be indicative of evolving attitudes even in the most conservative parts of the US.
It is quite clear that the status of marijuana poses a real dilemma for Obama and the Democratic Party. Marijuana legalization has wide support among young voters and drug prohibition disproportionally affects minorities, filling jails to the beams. Both constituencies have been keys to Obama’s 2008 and 2012 victories. Marijuana activists were frazzled by the Obama crackdown on medical marijuana dispensaries but at the end of the day they lined up behind him thanks to their deep distrust of Mitt Romney, while they are still hoping that Obama will have a change of heart in his second term.
So, with reelection out of the way, how will the Obama administration react? Marijuana legalization has lost its hot-potato status as the Washington initiative enjoyed mainstream support across the political spectrum. The public is clearly ahead of its politicians on that matter and support for marijuana legalization has been steadily growing nationwide over the past 30 years, a trend unlikely to reverse anytime soon with the aging of its opponent and coming of age of its proponents.
Under such circumstances, Obama would have far more to lose than to win in picking up a battle with Colorado and Washington State; the issue could prove distracting and definitively alienate and demobilize some of his strongest supporters, which could prove costly in the mid-term 2014 election where voters turn-out is traditionally low.
While marijuana legalization could be stuck for years in lengthy legal battles, this would keep the issue in the political debate and the headlines. In a country weary of undue government interference, it will be hard to justify fighting the will of the people, especially when it has been expressed as decisively as it was on November 6th. Furthermore, prohibitionism might be deeply entrenched, but it has never withstood close scrutiny, as witnessed by countless studies and reports, including the 1972 Shafer Commission’s Report sponsored by the Nixon administration itself and later repudiated for recommending marijuana decriminalization. Drug policy reform would most likely benefit from keeping marijuana legalization in the limelight, as exposure allows it to generally outshine its prohibitionist nemesis.
Moreover, few more states legislatures are expected to take on medical marijuana in 2013, bringing the medical marijuana camp tantalizingly closer to the 25 count when a majority of the states will have legal access to medical marijuana. California is widely expected to present a legalization initiative in 2014 and may be joined by Massachusetts.
Last but not least, most law-enforcement is done by state and local agencies in the US and the federal government would be powerless without their cooperation, which strongly limit its practical options.
Should the Obama administration decide to fight marijuana legalization heads-on, it will clearly go against the tide and could face an uphill battle.
Pressure for drug policy reform is not just internal. Colombia and Mexico, the US’ closest Latin American allies have expressed for a while their growing frustration with the current prohibitionist policies. Now Guatemala, long a pariah state emerging from a decades-long civil war plagued with human-rights abuses, is trying to garner support throughout the region for a radical reevaluation of drug policy and a debate about legalization and proper control of all drugs.
There is also risk (or hope depending on where people stand on the issue) of a domino effect. The US elections have been watched closely by the activist community all over the world, from neighboring Canada to Australia and New Zealand, and through Latin America and Europe. The Colorado and Washington victories may have opened the Pandora box, and many states, provinces and countries could follow.
On the other hand, the US has been the world’s prohibitionist-in-chief for over a century, and has over the years imposed her prohibitionist policies to the rest of the world. All current international treaties on illicit drugs having been produced and backed by successive US administrations over the past 50 years, a complete U-turn seems unlikely. But with 18 states and the district of Colombia in oblique violation of the international treaties and Colorado and Washington now squarely confronting them, the “tough on drugs” stance is increasingly untenable. Unless it reverses its attitude and draws the lessons from a century of failed prohibitionist rule, the US will be increasingly stuck between a rock and a hard place and her prohibitionist-in-chief posture will become more and more indefensible.
2012 has certainly been a momentous year for drug policy reform, with a bumper crop of firsts:
- Otto Perez Molina, from Guatemala, was the first president to formally and forcefully call for legalization and proper control of all drugs last January.
- Drug legalization was placed on the agenda on the Summit of the Americas in April 2012
- Uruguay announced its intention to legalize marijuana under state control in June 2012
- Colombia, Guatemala and Mexico formally requested an open debate about drug policy reform at the 2012 UN General Assembly.
- And of course, the states of Colorado and Washington voted decisively to legalize marijuana on November 6, 2012
In another notable development, US’ closest ally, Israel, is expanding its medical marijuana program, fueled by its strong research sector in medicine and technology with active governmental support.
Will 2012 be the year when the US acknowledges at long last the failure of her prohibitionist policies and start exploring less destructive, more realistic and pragmatic alternatives? Substance abuse is here to stay and tackling it is a matter of being smarter rather than tougher. Public mobilization behind the issue will be critical. Petitions and other forms of public pressure are likely to emerge both in support and against marijuana legalization and drug policy reform in general.
It should be noted that beyond the fate of particular initiatives or policies, powerful global trends are at play here. While alcohol has been the dominant psychoactive substance and social lubricant of Western civilization since its inception over 8,000 years ago, and while Western civilization has dominated the world for the past few centuries, globalization is rapidly shifting the geopolitical tectonic plates. As the world accelerates its move towards multipolarity, where no single power exerts overwhelming dominance, alcohol is also losing its psychoactive dominance to become just one of many psychoactive modalities, being replaced firstly by psychopharmaceuticals, followed by marijuana, more properly called cannabis.
At the end of the day, the days of prohibition are most likely counted and it will fade away with the American century that started with the 1908 Shanghai conference, the event that set the foundations of global prohibition, on the eve of World War-I.
Jeffrey Dhywood
Investigative writer,
Author of “World War D – The Case against prohibitionism, roadmap to controlled re-legalization”
“World War-D” on Amazon: http://www.amazon.com/dp/0984690409/
www.world-war-d.com
Facebook page: http://www.facebook.com/worldward
Twitter: @JDhywood
jd (at) world-war-d.com
Making sense of the global drug policy debate
2012 has been quite an amazing year for drug policy reform and events are accelerating at breakneck pace after the historic marijuana legalization victories in Colorado and Washington. State lawmakers across New England are preparing legislation to legalize marijuana for recreational use. Rhode Island and Maine announced on November 15th their intentions to introduce marijuana legalization bills to their legislatures next year. Vermont and Massachusetts are expected to follow soon. Meanwhile, public opinion is shifting rapidly. According to a Rasmussen poll released Tuesday, a stunning 82% of the US population now believes that the War on Drugs is failing.
On the international scene, Latin American countries are clamoring for a UN debate about legalization and Colombian President Santos is asking Mexican President Pena Nieto to lead the region out of the devastating War on Drugs as soon as he takes office on December 1st. In another historic move, the ruling party in Uruguay presented on November 15th, the project of law for the legalization of marijuana. Vote is scheduled for early December. If it passes, Uruguay would become the first country in the world to legalize marijuana.
“World War-D” has become the reference book to make sense of the rapidly evolving global drug policy debate, bringing common sense and sanity to an issue often shrouded in misconceptions, preconceptions and taboos. My readers routinely comment that it should be required reading for politicians and lawmakers and strongly recommend it to those who want to understand all the facets of the issue and grasp its global complexity. No matter where you stand on drug prohibition, you will get a much clearer understanding of the issue in all of its multi-faceted complexity and with a global perspective. As prohibitionism is starting to crumble at the edges, no other book offers such depth and breadth of understanding.
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Petición de apoyo a la legalización controlada de marihuana en Uruguay
[emailpetition id=”2″]
Click here for English version
El gobierno uruguayo anunció el 20 de junio que enviaría una iniciativa de ley para la legalización de la venta de la mariguana (la posesión y uso ya son legales en este país). Si se aprueba esta ley, Uruguay sería el primer país en el mundo en establecer un mercado legal para la mariguana; esto sería un cambio paradigmático mayor ya que rompería el tabú, cuestionaría leyes internacionales existentes y sentaría un precedente único. En el últimos año, Uruguay también ha estado debatiendo la posibilidad del cultivo de la mariguana para uso personal. Si ambas medidas se aprueban esto sería un gran paso adelante.
Sabemos que vendrá mucha presión en contra del gobierno uruguayo para que abandone este proyecto de legalización, tal como se hizo contra Guatemala y sus vecinos en febrero de este año. No podemos correr el riesgo de que Uruguay abandone la iniciativa por la presión de quienes no desean hacer un cambio.
Al firmar la carta por debajo, se la enviará con su firma al Presidente José Mujica y los dos principales partidos de oposición.
Recuerde: En este momento, la iniciativa es sólo una propuesta que requiere la discusión y aprobación parlamentaria. Para aquellos quienes opinen que la iniciativa no va lo suficientemente lejos o que le da demasiado control al gobierno, piensen que el Presidente Mujica y su gobierno están enfrentando una batalla cuesta arriba con el muy seguro linchamiento por parte del gobierno norteamericano. No hay en este momento, ninguna seguridad de que la iniciativa sea aprobada por lo que debemos apoyarla.
Nosotros podemos hacer la diferencia.
Por favor comparte con tus conocidos y amistades este blog en Facebook, Twitter , otros medios sociales y por correo electrónico
También puedes twittear a:
• Presidencia de Uruguay: @SCpresidenciauy
• Senador Jorge Larrañaga, @guapolarranaga, líder de Alianza Nacional
• Pedro Bordaberry @PedroBordaberry, presidente del CEN Colorado y quien fuera ministro de Industria y Turismo en el gobierno de Jorge Batlle, primer jefe de estado en proponer la legalización de las drogas en 2000
Para leer más sobre la iniciativa de ley: http://www.presidencia.gub.uy/wps/wcm/connect/Presidencia/PortalPresidencia/Comunicacion/comunicacionNoticias/gabinete-seguridad-presento-paquete-15-medidas-promover-convivencia-ciudadana
La declaración a medios de la presidencia uruguaya: http://medios.presidencia.gub.uy/jm_portal/2012/noticias/NO_E582/Estrategia.pdf
Para leer más sobre el Presidente Mujica: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jos%C3%A9_Mujica
Conviértete en un activista mejor informado!
Apoya la reforma global de la política de drogas!
Pida su propia copia de “World War-D”, el libro de referencia sobre el prohibicionismo, sustancias psicoactivas y la reforma de la política de drogas (disponible solamente en Ingles por el momento)!
Jeffrey Dhywood
Autor de investigación y análisis de “World War D – The Case against prohibitionism, roadmap to controlled re-legalization”
Twitter: @JDhywood
Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/worldward
Petition in support of the controlled legalization of Marijuana in Uruguay
[emailpetition id=”1″]
Haga clic aquí para versión en español
On November 15, the government of Uruguay submitted to its parliament a proposal for the legalization of the sale of marijuana under state control (possession and use of marijuana is already legal in Uruguay). The project would also legalize the cultivation for personal use of up to 6 plants of cannabis. If adopted, Uruguay would become the first country in the world to establish a controlled marketplace for marijuana.
The project has already been approved by the Officialista Party, who holds a majority in the lower chamber, and is not submitted for comments to the opposition party. It is noteworthy that the major opposition parties have themselves asked for legalization of cultivation for personal use in the past.
President Mujica has scheduled a month-long national debate on his proposal. We cannot afford to drop the ball on Uruguay.
When you sign the letter underneath, it will be sent with your signature to President José Mujica and the two major opposition parties. Please share this blog post on Facebook, on Twitter and other social medias or by email.
Remember: This is just a proposal for the time being, and it needs to go thru parliamentary approval. For those you who think that it doesn’t go far enough, that it gives too much control to the government, just think about the uphill battle President José Mujica and his government are facing, and the expected US government’s stonewalling. There is absolutely no guarantee that this proposal will go thru, which is why we need to show our support.
For more impact, you can also tweet to the following:
Presidency of Uruguay: @SCpresidenciauy
Senator Jorge Larrañaga, @guapolarranaga, leader of Alianza Nacional
Pedro Bordaberry, @PedroBordaberry, President of the CEN colorado, was minister of Tourism and Industry in the Government of Jorge Batlle, the first head of state in the world to call for the legalization of all drugs in 2000, shortly after taking office.
Become a better informed activist and support global drug policy reform! Order your own copy of “Word War-D”, the reference book on prohibitionism, psychoactive substances and drug policy reform!
Learn more about the proposal: http://www.desdeelmarmol.com/2012/11/ley-sobre-regulacion-de-la-cadena.html
Learn more about President José Mujica: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jos %C3%A9_Mujica
Jeffrey Dhywood
Investigative writer,
author of “World War D – The Case against prohibitionism, roadmap to controlled re-legalization”
Download a free 42 pages excerpt of “World war-D”
Twitter: @JDhywood
Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/worldward
Are we turning a corner in the War on Drugs?
The likely victory of marijuana legalization in Washington and Colorado will transform the global drug policy debate
A landmark victory of marijuana legalization in Washington and Colorado will put internal & external pressure for drug policy reform on the US and weaken its hand with its restive Latin American allies.
After declaring in 1971 “We must wage total war against public enemy number one in the United State, the problem of dangerous drugs”, President Richard Nixon prematurely claimed victory On September 11, 1973, “We turned the corner on drug addiction in the United states. Drug addiction is under control.” Almost 40 years later, we might indeed be turning a corner in the war on drugs, though not quite the corner envisioned by Nixon, as 2012 is poised to enter the history books as a turning point in the failed war on drugs, and will hopefully signal the beginning of its unfolding.
Discontent about the failed war on drugs policies has been brewing for quite a while, especially in Latin America, but outside of that region, the debate rarely reached much beyond academic and activist circles. Things changed in June 2011 when drug policy reform grabbed the headlines across the world for the very first time with the publication of the Global Commission on Drug Policy Report. The report was signed by an impressive slate of prestigious individuals including seven former heads of state and the former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, and was a seminal event for drug policy reform. Another seminal event, The Merida Declaration on December 6, 2011, went virtually unnoticed by the media and drug policy experts alike. Issued at the Tuxtla Dialogue and Agreement Mechanism in Yucatan, Mexico, the declaration was signed by eleven heads of state and high-level representatives of Central America and the Caribbean, including Mexico, Colombia and Chile, and asked “consuming countries … to explore possible alternatives …, including regulatory or market oriented options.”
2012 started with a bang when retired right-wing general Otto Perez Molina, newly elected president of impoverished Guatemala, rattled the world and instantly placed his country on the map by declaring the war on drugs a failure and forcefully advocating legalization. Guatemala is one of the world’s worst-hit countries by narco-violence, together with its unfortunate neighbors, Honduras and Salvador, and recently emerged from a decades-long brutal civil war.
Perez Molina has been unwavering ever since. He brought the drug legalization debate to the April Summit of the Americas, a gathering of all heads of state across the continent, from Canada to Tierra del Fuego, except Cuba (banned by the US). More recently, he brought the debate to the UN general Assembly and was joined by Mexico and Colombia, the two major US allies in the War on Drugs, for a call to revise the international treaties on illicit drugs.
As Perez Molina is actively trying to build a coalition for drug policy reform, he announced on Thursday a planned meeting with newly re-elected Hugo Chavez with legalization on the agenda. Venezuela is a major entry-point on the transit route of cocaine to the US through its extremely porous frontier with Colombia, and has often been a safe haven for Colombian narco-traffickers. However, the relationship between the Chavez regime and his cumbersome guests seems to be turning sour as violence has escalated dramatically in the country. Leftish Chavez joining right-wing Perez Molina in a coalition for drug policy reform might mollify the other members of the leftish Latin American coalition that includes Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia. Left-leaning Argentina president Kirchner might join as well. Uruguay announced in June its intention to legalize marijuana under state control and the proposal is currently churning through the legislative process.
The US being by far, the largest market for illegal drugs in the world, the marijuana legalization initiatives on the ballot in Colorado, Washington and Oregon take special significance in such a context. It is noteworthy that the US Justice Department has so far refrained from taking a position on these initiatives despite being urged by legalization opponents.
November 6 is likely to be a watershed moment for marijuana legalization and drug policy reform with the marijuana legalization initiatives standing very good chances in Colorado and Washington. Both initiatives enjoy wide support across the political spectrum ranging from the state democratic party to the GOP US Senate Candidate for Washington, Michael Baumgartner, or former GOP Congressman Tom Tancredo in Colorado. Sponsored by former US attorney John McKay and current City Attorney Peter Holmes, and with backing from the mayor and the entire city council of Seattle as well as the Seattle Times, the Washington initiative lines up the most impressive slate of main-stream backing and enjoys double digit margins in the polls. Curiously, in Washington and Colorado, the staunchest opposition is coming from the medical marijuana communities. The Oregon initiative, placing no restrictions on cultivation for personal use, is generally considered too radical and faces an uphill battle. A medical marijuana initiative, currently polling at a whopping 69%, could provide the icing on the cake with a landslide victory in Massachusetts.
A victory for marijuana legalization initiatives in the US would have momentous implications for Latin America and would place the federal government in an awkward position, caught between internal and external pressure for reform. It would certainly weaken its hands in its negotiations with its increasingly restive allies in the war on drugs. It might also give the needed impetus for the crystallization of a coalition of the willing and rally the support of the countries such as Costa Rica that have prudently stayed on the sideline until now.
The 22nd Ibero-American Summit, held on November 16 – 17 2012 in Cadiz, hosted by Spain and attended by Portugal and most Latin American countries will provide a good test of the effects of a marijuana legalization victory. Portugal and Spain having some of the most liberal drug policies in the world, this summit should offer a favorable environment for an open debate on drug policy reform. Scheduled 10 days after the November US election, it might embolden Colombia and Mexico to take more assertive positions. It may also present an opportunity for the budding coalition to grow some offshoots or support on the old continent.
Unknown is the potential reaction of the federal government to state legalization. While a lot depends on who will be the next host of the White House, the next president’s options might be limited, especially as a likely solid victory in Washington and a landslide medical marijuana victory in Massachusetts might diametrically reverse the political risk of marijuana legalization, with opposition to the issue becoming increasingly politically risky.
If the federal government chooses confrontation, it can expect a vigorous fight from the states. Already, the City of Oakland became on October 11, the first known jurisdiction to sue the federal government to protect its medical marijuana industry. Lawsuits are being brought in San Diego to reverse federal convictions in medical marijuana cases. There is no doubt that victory in November will embolden the states to resist federal interference with their marijuana policies. A corner will most likely be turned in the War on Drugs on November 6, 2012, a corner towards legalization.
Jeffrey Dhywood
Investigative writer,
Author of “World War D – The Case against prohibitionism, roadmap to controlled re-legalization”
www.world-war-d.com
Facebook page: http://www.facebook.com/worldward
Twitter: @JDhywood
jd (at) world-war-d.com
MJ legalization initiatives and emergence of a coalition for drug policy reform in Latin American
In a significant development in the rapidly evolving drug policy debate, the governments of Colombia, Guatemala and Mexico issued on Monday October 1 a joint declaration demanding the UN revision of drug policy. In their declaration, the three countries denounce the failure of the current prohibitionist drug policies and request “That the United Nations [] exercise it´s leadership … to analyze all available options, including regulatory or market measures, in order to establish a new paradigm that prevents the flow of resources to organized crime organizations.” The three governments “invite Member States of the Organization of the United Nations to undertake very soon a consultation process” and call for “an international conference to allow the necessary decisions in order to achieve more effective strategies and tools with which the global community faces the challenge of drugs and their consequences.”
Read the entire declaration in Spanish, and its English translation
In another development, the Mexican businessman Ricardo Salinas, head of the Grupo Salinas and of TV Azteca, advocated drug legalization at the annual meeting of the Association of American Chambers of Commerce in Latin America in Washington DC. This is quite significant because Salinas is one of the major backers of President elect Pena Nieto, who will take office on December 1.
It seems that we are witnessing the emergence of a Latin American coalition for drug policy reform led by Guatemala, Colombia and Mexico. The active support of Colombia and Mexico would undoubtedly change the balance of power and turn the tables on the US.
In this context, a victory for one or more of the marijuana legalization initiatives in November could be game changer, especially as the number of medical marijuana states keeps growing, most of them solidly democrats or democrat-leaning. If reelected, Obama and the Democratic Party might finally realize that they have more to lose than to gain in pursuing their current hard-line policies. Meanwhile, an internal challenge to the prohibitionist drug policy would seriously weaken the US hands in the drug policy debate with its Latin American allies.
Success is definitively within reach in Colorado and Washington, but you support is urgently needed. First, if you live in Colorado, Oregon or Washington, you must of course go to the poll. But if you don’t there are many ways to support, starting with donations.
If you order “World War-D” on our website http://www.world-war-d.com/ before November 1st, 2012, we will donate $5.00 to the campaign of your choice. Just follow the instruction in your order confirmation email to select the campaign you wish to support.
You can also donate directly to the campaigns:
o Colorado Amendment 64
o Oregon Cannabis Tax Act (Measure 80)
o Washington Initiative 502
2012 will be marked as a turning point in drug policy reform. Be part of history!
Thank you for your support
Jeffrey Dhywood
Investigative writer,
Author of “World War D – The Case against prohibitionism, roadmap to controlled re-legalization”
Download a free 50 pages excerpt of “World war-D”
Facebook page: http://www.facebook.com/worldward
Follow me on Twitter: @JDhywood
LinkedIn: http://hk.linkedin.com/in/jdhywood
http://www.vanguardia.com.mx/salinaspliegopideacamaradecomerciodeeulegalizardrogas-1386975.html
Declaración Conjunta de los Gobiernos de Colombia, Guatemala y México
Nueva York, 01 de octubre de 2012
Los Gobiernos de Colombia, Guatemala y México, convencidos de que la delincuencia organizada transnacional y, en especial, la violencia que ésta despliega para llevar a cabo sus actividades delictivas, representan un grave problema que compromete al desarrollo, la seguridad y la convivencia democrática en todas las naciones, y que la Organización de Naciones Unidas debe atender con carácter urgente esta problemática:
Declaran:
1. Que el consumo de drogas ilícitas es un poderoso incentivo para las actividades de organizaciones criminales en todas las regiones del mundo.
2. Que a pesar de los esfuerzos emprendidos por la comunidad internacional a lo largo de décadas, el consumo de esas sustancias sigue incrementándose a nivel global, lo que genera cuantiosos ingresos para las organizaciones criminales en todo el mundo.
3. Que al contar con recursos financieros de enorme magnitud, las organizaciones de la delincuencia organizada transnacional son capaces de penetrar y corromper las instituciones de los Estados.
4. Que resulta esencial aplicar medidas más eficaces para evitar los flujos ilegales de armas hacia las organizaciones de delincuentes.
5. Que mientras no se detenga el flujo de recursos de los consumidores de drogas y de armas hacia las organizaciones delictivas, éstas continuarán amenazando a nuestras sociedades y nuestros gobiernos.
6. Que, en consecuencia, resulta inaplazable revisar el enfoque mantenido hasta ahora por la comunidad internacional en materia de drogas, con el fin de detener los flujos de dinero proveniente del mercado ilícito de drogas.
7. Que esa revisión debe realizarse con todo rigor y responsabilidad, sobre bases científicas, con el fin de establecer políticas públicas eficaces en este ámbito.
8. Que los Estados deben intensificar sus esfuerzos para seguir fortaleciendo las instituciones y las políticas de cada país en la prevención y sanción del delito; sus programas sociales en educación, salud, esparcimiento y empleo; así como la prevención y el tratamiento de adicciones para preservar el tejido social.
9. Que los Estados deben refrendar su compromiso de combatir con determinación, y de acuerdo al principio de responsabilidad compartida y diferenciada, a los grupos criminales transnacionales a través de mecanismos de cooperación internacional.
10. Que la Organización de las Naciones Unidas debe ejercer el liderazgo que le corresponde en este esfuerzo y conducir una profunda reflexión que analice todas las opciones disponibles, incluyendo medidas regulatorias o de mercado, a fin de establecer un nuevo paradigma que impida el flujo de recursos hacia las organizaciones del crimen organizado.
11. En este sentido, los Gobiernos de Colombia, Guatemala y México invitan a los Estados miembros de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas a emprender a la brevedad un proceso de consultas que permita, hacer un balance de los alcances y las limitaciones de la política vigente, así como acerca de la violencia que generan la producción, el tráfico y el consumo de drogas en el mundo.
Consideramos que estos resultados deberían culminar en una conferencia internacional que permita tomar las decisiones necesarias a fin de dar mayor eficacia a las estrategias y los instrumentos con los que la comunidad global hace frente al reto de las drogas y sus consecuencias.