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OAS Secretary General Presents Historic Drug Policy Report

Historic landmark for global drug policy reform

OAS drug policy report May 2013 — Historic landmark for global drug policy reform

The 2012 Summit of the Americas in Cartagena, Colombia, gave the OAS (Organization of American States) a mandate to study the impact of current drug policies and explore possible alternatives. The results of the $2.2 million study were presented on Friday, May 17, by OAS secretary general José Miguel Insulza to Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos at the Casa de Nariño (the Colombian White House).

Santos said the report presented “simple, realistic options” for future action in order to “reduce the deaths, the violence that drug trafficking wreaks, the consumption of drugs and the profits of criminals.” The 400-page study emphasizes drug abuse as primarily a public health issue and suggests drug abusers should not be criminally prosecuted but rather treated as ill. “Decriminalization of drug use needs to be considered as a core element in any public health strategy,” it says.

The study included two documents: an analytical report to look at current trends, best practices, and policy challenges; and a set of scenarios about what might happen in the future and the results that could be expected in each scenario. The objective of the reports is to assist the Americas’ leaders to find a better way to address the challenges posed by illicit drugs.

The report – “Scenarios for the Drug Problem in the Americas, 2013-2025” – presents four possibilities for how drug policy could evolve in the Americas, most of which break from the current U.S.-led approach. These scenarios are stories about what ‘could’ happen in the future in and around the hemispheric drug system, based on current trends, and including relevant political, economic, social, cultural and international dynamics. The report calls for an open and serious discussion on marijuana legalization and the widespread implementation of harm reduction strategies.

The most controversial scenario would involve countries unilaterally abandoning the fight against drug production and trafficking in their territory in order to reduce violence. President Otto Perez Molina of Guatemala, a hard-hit cocaine transit country along with neighboring Honduras, made headlines before the Cartagena summit when he said he was tempted to put his country on such a path.

The report is available at http://idpc.net/publications/2013/05/oas-report-scenarios-for-the-drug-problem-in-the-americas-2013-2025

The OAS scenarios report will also be presented and discussed on Monday, in Washington, D.C., at the bi-annual meeting of the Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission (CICAD). Two weeks later (on June 4-6), the OAS will hold its General Assembly in Antigua, Guatemala, with drug policy as the principal item on the agenda. These developments and others will undoubtedly shape the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on Drugs, currently scheduled for 2016.

Drug policy reform advocates called the report historic, though it made no specific proposals and said there was “no significant support” among the OAS’ 35 member states for legalizing cocaine, the illicit drug with the greatest impact on Latin America.

“This is the first time any multilateral organization anywhere has done something like this,” said Ethan Nadelmann, executive director of the Drug Policy Alliance.

Rafael Lemaitre, spokesman for the White House’s drug czar, said in response to the report that “any suggestion that nations legalize drugs like heroin, cocaine, marijuana, and methamphetamine runs counter to an evidenced-based, public health approach to drug policy and are not viable alternatives.”

Statement by Ethan Nadelmann, Executive Director of the Drug Policy Alliance: http://www.drugpolicy.org/news/2013/05/oas-secretary-general-presents-historic-drug-policy-report-president-santos-colombia

“Never before has a multilateral organization engaged in such an inclusive and intellectually legitimate analysis of drug policy options. Indeed, it would have been inconceivable just two years ago that the OAS – or any multilateral organization – would publish a document that considers legalization, decriminalization and other alternatives to prohibitionist policies on an equal footing with status quo policies. Political pressures by the US and other governments would have made that impossible.

Much has changed, however, in the past few years. In 2009, former presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso (Brazil), César Gaviria (Colombia) and Ernesto Zedillo (Mexico) joined with other members of the Latin American Commission on Drugs and Democracy in saying the time had come to “break the taboo” on exploring alternatives to the failed war on drugs. In 2011, those presidents joined with former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, former U.S. Secretary of State George Shultz, former Federal Reserve Board chairman Paul Volcker, former Swiss President Ruth Dreifuss and other members of the Global Commission on Drug Policy in calling for fundamental reforms to national and global drug policies. Former presidents Jimmy Carter, Ricardo Lagos (Chile), Vicente Fox (Mexico) and Aleksander Kwasniewski (Poland) were among those who seconded their recommendations.

Beginning in late 2011, current presidents began to join the calls of their predecessors. These included President Santos in Colombia, Otto Perez Molina in Guatemala, José Mujica in Uruguay and then-President Felipe Calderón of Mexico. Simultaneously, the victorious marijuana legalization ballot initiatives in Washington State and Colorado transformed a previously hypothetical debate into real political reform. Other states will almost certainly follow their lead in coming years.

The OAS scenarios report thus represents the important next step in elevating and legitimizing a discussion that until a few years ago was effectively banned from official government circles. It is sure to have legs in a way that few reports by multilateral institutions ever do.

Illinois Senate passes medical marijuana bill

The number of medical marijuana states is set to reach 20 as the Illinois Senate approved medical marijuana by a 35-21 vote. Sponsored by Dem. State Senator Bill Haine, a former county prosecutor, the bill is the toughest in the nation and has support from doctors’ groups.

Governor Pat Quinn is expected to sign the bill, making Illinois the 2^nd most populous medical marijuana state after California.

Republic of Georgia considers legalizing marijuana

Minister of Labor, Health and Social Affairs, David Sergeyenko stated that the nation was considering new strategies to deal with the issue of drugs among them, the legalization of marijuana. David Sergeyenko pointed out “ban-related mechanisms,” such as Georgia’s laws against marijuana, “often entail a ricochet effect, which means strengthening and development of other directions,” a reference to distinguishing marijuana from other drugs. He added the issue requires a “well-considered strategy” and said the legalization of marijuana could be a part of it.

The strategy is one that could quickly gain some national attention, and political support. Multiple lawmakers in the Republic of Georgia have, in the past, called for the legalization of “soft drugs” such as cannabis. Advocates of such a move say that it will reduce violent crimes by reducing money funneled into the blackmarket. They also argue that it’ll bring revenue to the nation, including from tourists, and will bring about what should be a fundamental freedom for an individual to consume a nonlethal plant.

Discussions are only preliminary at the moment, but expect the issue to gain some traction, and attention, in the coming weeks.

Jeffrey Dhywood
Investigative writer,
Author of “World War D – The Case against prohibitionism, roadmap to controlled re-legalization”

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Colombia, Uruguay, Guatemala: Drug Policy Reform on the Move in Latin America

Colombia: Creation of an Advisory Commission on Drug Policy

Colombia’s drug legislation is being re-assessed in an attempt to tackle drug use, trafficking and other drugs-related issues that have plagued the country at all levels of society for the past 30 years. To that effect, the justice minister, Ruth Stella Correa, launched on January 29 the first meeting of the Advisory Commission on Drug Policy (Comisión Asesora de Política de Drogas). The commission includes Former President Cesar Gaviria and former director of the National Police, General Oscar Naranjo Trujillo, as well as a number of experts and academics. It will evaluate the results and impact of the strategies on drugs that have been implemented over the past ten years, consolidate the progress and achievements in different areas, and make recommendations for a new anti-drug strategy.

Cesar Gaviria was president of Colombia (1990-94) and secretary general of the Organization of American States (1994-2004). He is founder and Board-member of the Latin American Commission on Drugs and Democracy and the Global Commission on Drug Policy. He is an outspoken advocate of drug policy reform.

General Oscar Naranjo Trujillo was director of the National Police from May 2007 to June 2012. As member of counter-intelligence and special forces, he was involved in all major operations against the powerful Colombian drug cartels since the 1980s, including Pablo Escobar and the Medellin Cartel. He has been credited with reducing the violence in Colombia during the 1980s and 1990s. He is special advisor on security issues in the government of newly elected Mexican President Pena Nieto.

The Justice Minister said in her Twitter account “We decided to form this Commission to guide us in the design of public policy with a holistic approach. We believe that the drug policy debate should take place within the framework of scientific and empirical evidence”. She further noted that the world drug problem requires that countries seek alternative public policies to properly confront the issue.

Speaking after the meeting with the commission, the justice minister introduced a new drug bill to legalize synthetic drugs such as ecstasy. The proposal would replace current laws, which ban cocaine and marijuana, although possession of small amounts is decriminalized. Stella Correa pointed out that the Constitutional Court had already spoken against the criminalization of possession for personal use of marijuana and cocaine.

Critics say the inclusion of synthetic drugs will only confuse the debate.

Uruguay to launch a broad national debate about the Marijuana legalization project in February:

The Uruguayan government introduced in June 2012 a project of legalization of marijuana under state control. The government has struggled to gain popular support for this project, with opposition still at around 64%. Last December President Mujica decided to slow down the project, originally scheduled to be sent to vote in the Parliament in December, and announced that he would allow more time for education and debate on the issue. In order to achieve greater consensus, the secretary general of the National Drug Board, July Calzada, announced On January 28 the launch in February of a broad debate on the issue in coordination with lawmakers.

We just wish that the US government would follow the lead of its Southern neighbors!

Guatemalan President Otto Perez Molina: A man on a mission

Ever since taking office in January 2012, Guatemalan President Otto Perez Molina, a retired general, has been on a mission: to look for alternatives to drug prohibition and the failed war on drugs, and to start a debate about drugs regulation. From the OAS in April 2012, to the UN in September, to the Davos Summit on January 23-25 and then the Latino-European summit on January 26-27, Perez Molina has been unrelenting in promoting his initiative. Under existential threats from narco-warfare following decades of military dictatorship and right-wing militia violence that brought his country to the brink of disintegration in the 1990s and early 2000s, and deeply committed to his country reconstruction, Perez Molina is acutely aware that he may not have another option. He now needs to get firm support behind his initiative. Read more http://www.world-war-d.com/2013/01/29/president-perez-molina-leadership-for-drug-policy-reform/

Drug Policy Reform: 2013 in progress 2013-01-29

A brief presentation of the major trends and events in the Drug Policy Debate in 2013. Latin America is taking the lead with Colombia setting up an Advisory Commission on Drug Policy, Uruguay launching a national debate on marijuana legalization, and Guatemala taking the lead of the global drug policy debate.

Meanwhile, the US Federal Government seems to take an hands-off approach to marijuana legalization while more states are lining up to legalize medical or recreation use.

Guatemalan President Otto Perez Molina taking a leadership position in the fight for drug policy reform on the world scene

Guatemala has been particularly affected by the War on Drugs because of its location on the most transited drug trafficking route in the world and has become a battleground between the two dominant Mexican drug cartels, the Sinaloa Cartel and the brutal and much feared Los Zetas. The two cartels are caught in a ferocious fight for the control of the Caribbean and the Pacific routes, with local populations caught in the middle. The cartels largely outgun the police and army, and corrupt all institutions, starting with the justice system. Los Zetas notoriously recruit within the Kaibiles, the elite commando of the Guatemalan Military.

Since taking office in January 2012, Guatemalan President Otto Perez Molina has been quite blunt in his assessment of the failure of the war on drugs, calling relentlessly for drug policy reform, advocating a regulatory approach to drugs rather than the extremes of a full-blown war on drugs or free-market legalization. Such positions have propelled him and his impoverished country on the world scene, where he is so far the first and lone head of state pushing openly and forcefully for global drug policy reform. As such, he is seen as a figurehead of the drug policy reform movement.

During a press conference on the opening day of World Economic Forum, Perez Molina, the first Guatemalan President to be invited to Davos as a speaker, called for a new approach towards regulating drugs, implemented “on a scientific basis” and geared at reducing the harms associated with the illegal drug trade. “Prohibition, this war on drugs, has seen cartels grow and the results are not what we looked for, … There is a new trend towards drugs now – not war, but a new perspective and a different way of dealing with the problem” declared Perez Molina.

In Davos, the right-wing retired general found an unlikely ally in billionaire liberal philanthropist Georges Soros who joined him to announce a Drug Policy Reform summit, scheduled for June 2013 in Tika, Guatemala. The summit will gather world leaders and policy organizations to discuss alternative drug control proposals. It will be organized in coordination with the Soros foundation, as well as the Beckley Foundation and the Carter Foundation. Based in the UK, the Beckley Foundation established a Guatemala office in June 2012 and works closely with President Perez Molina and his government on issues of drug policy. The Foundation director, Amanda Feilding, met with President Molina in Guatemala on January 17 to deliver proposals for alternative drug policy options.

George Soros, a major advocate for drug policy reform, stressed the illegal drug trade’s harmful effects on developing democracies, declaring “Drug policy has endangered political stability and security in many countries, and not just in Latin America.” He then evoked the situation in Mali which has turned since the Libyan revolution into a North African hub for the drug cartels, on the route from Latin America to Europe via West Africa. The cartels have taken advantage of the instability and established alliances with guerilla groups and Islamist extremists, while the instability affecting the entire region from Nigeria to West Africa, Tunisia and Libya, has turned this impoverished country, once one of Africa’s most stable, into a regional and international nexus of Islamic extremism.

Perez Molina is increasingly taking a leadership position in the fight for drug policy reform on the world scene. In a recent interview to the UK Observer, Perez Molina declared: “I believe western countries fail to understand the reality that countries such as Guatemala and those of Central America have to live in. There has been plenty of talk, but no effective response. I believe, ultimately, that this is due to a lack of understanding on the part of western countries.” He added that western leaders must look beyond their domestic agendas. “A message should be sent to the leaders of the countries with the biggest drug markets. They must think not only of… the context of their country, but of what is happening in the world, in regions such as Central America, where this destruction, this weakening of democracy, is happening. They must be open to recognising that the struggle against drugs, in the way it has been conducted, has failed.”

By bringing the drug policy debate to the World Economic Forum, Perez Molina is reaching out to the business community, which could open up a new strategy in the push for drug policy reform. While pushing for reform with other Latin American leaders at the UN and at the Organization of American States, Perez Molina has powerful potential allies within the business community, which could help build up the pressure and fuel the momentum for reform, as a surprising number of companies have voiced support for a regulated drugs market.

After Davos, Perez Molina headed to the first Summit of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) and European Union (EU) in Santiago de Chile on January 26-27, with 43 heads of state in attendance. The Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) was founded in 2010 at the impulse of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez and is essentially an OAS (Organization of the American States) minus the US and Canada, and with the prominent presence of Cuba. Cuba was suspended from the OAS in 1962 and officially reinstated in 2009, but still wasn’t invited to the 2012 OAS Summit in Cartagena, Colombia, at the insistence of the US and over the objections of virtually all other OAS members. The continued suspension of Cuba from the OAS has been one of the numerous sources of regional frustration with this institution. CELAC is a clear regional statement of independence from the Northerly Big Brother, and its close ally, little brother Canada as the region is experiencing unprecedented economic growth and starting to flex its political power. By reaching out towards Europe for its second summit in a relation of equals, CELAC is sending a clear message of frustration towards the US, signaling that the era of US diktats and vetoes is over. CELAC-EU President pro-tempore Sebastián Piñera expressed his desire for a productive summit and affirmed his determination to meet ambitious objectives.

At the request of Perez Molina and with the explicit support of presidents Juan Manuel Santos (Colombia), Laura Chinchilla (Costa Rica), Enrique Peña Nieto (México) and Dilma Rousseff (Brasil), the article 36 of the final declaration affirms the signers’ commitment to review, discuss and improve the effectiveness of the strategies and tools available to address comprehensively and in a balanced manner the consequences of drug trafficking and the issues of co-responsibility between nations.

The presidents explicitly supported the stance of Pérez Molina, who considered inappropriate to wait until 2016, as suggested by the United Nations to review the 1961 Convention on narcotic drugs and the 1971 and 1978 protocols. “We cannot keep putting off the debate for three more years, we must pick up the pace, because while we discuss consumers, traffickers and all those involved in the process keep dying. We must start immediately,” said the president in the Chilean capital in his address to the CELAC-EU. He added that the militarization of the fight against narco-trafficking has failed as well.

Perez Molina expects a change of attitude in the US following the decisive victories for drug legalization in Colorado and Washington, and is building on the momentum it created: “There is going to be a change away from the paradigm of prohibitionism and the war against drugs, and there is going to be a process that will take us towards regulation. So I would expect a more flexible and more open position from President Obama in his second term.”

The January 22 meeting between Washington State Governor Jay Inslee and Attorney General Eric holder seems to indicate that the Obama administration is indeed likely to take a hands-off approach to the Colorado and Washington marijuana legalization process. This would have significant consequences as a marijuana legalization bill was introduced on January 18 by the state house speaker in Hawaii and similar bills are expected to be introduced this year by lawmakers in Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Vermont.

Also at the Davos Forum, Costa Rican President Laura Chinchilla said Wednesday that her country, Mexico and Colombia have opened talks with U.S. officials to discuss the impact of marijuana legalization and medical marijuana in a growing number of U.S. states. In reaction to the Guatemalan government call for a debate on drug regulation, Laura Chinchilla declared that criminalizing drug use is “far from the solution”, but ruled out legalization in her own country for the time being. Another of Davos’ participant, Mexican president Enrique Pena Nieto also declared his openness to an honest debate on legalization while reaffirming his personal opposition to the idea.

While many Latin American heads of state, starting with Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos, have expressed their openness to the drug legalization debate, none has crossed the line yet to join Perez Molina in the anti-prohibitionist camp. So far, only Uruguay has taken deliberate steps by introducing a project of marijuana legalization under state control in June 2012 that is still going through the parliamentary process. Still, Latin American leaders are increasingly aware that they may not have any other alternative, but are facing generally socially conservative populations that so far seem strongly opposed to the idea of legalization. Many Latin American countries have spent decades fighting drug trafficking, and have paid a tremendous human cost in the War on Drugs; changing gears towards legalization will represent a major paradigm shift that won’t happen overnight. By keeping the debate in the headlines, and by bringing it to wider and wider international audiences, Perez Molina is imposing a major revaluation of long established dogmas and forcing a scientific, pragmatic and reasoned approach to an issue mired in misconception and shrouded in moral preconceptions and taboos.

The drug policy debate has evolved considerably over the past year, with major advances that would have been unthinkable even a few years ago. Thanks to his quiet and unwavering determination, the retired general has been on a mission since taking office, and has brought the drug legalization debate to the Organization of American States in April 2012, to the UN in September, to the Ibero-American Summit in November and now to Davos and the Latino-European Summit. Under existential threats from narco-warfare following decades of military dictatorship and right-wing militia violence that brought his country to the brink of disintegration in the 1990s and early 2000s, and deeply committed to his country reconstruction, Perez Molina is acutely aware that the status quo is not an option, and is acting accordingly. For all appearances, there is no turning back.

Jeffrey Dhywood
Investigative writer,
Author of “World War D – The Case against prohibitionism, roadmap to controlled re-legalization” – http://www.world-war-d.com/.

jeffreydhywood@world-war-d.com

What to expect from the 2016 special UN session on global drug policy?

3 years to shift the balance of power from the drug prohibitionist camp to the reformist camp at the UN

On November 27, the UN General Assembly adopted a Mexican proposal to hold an emergency drug policy summit, scheduled for early 2016 after an intensive preparatory process that will begin next year.

The proposal was first introduced to the UN general Assembly by Mexico, Colombia and Guatemala on September 26, joined by Honduras, Costa Rica and Belize on November 12. It was then backed by the majority of Latin American governments, as well as those of Spain and Portugal at the Ibero-American Summit in Cadiz, on November 17.

While all the backers of the proposal share a common concern about the calamitous drug-trafficking situation in the region, they are far from agreeing on a common approach and seem to be all over the spectrum on the issue. Uruguay is on the verge of becoming the first country in the world to legalize marijuana under state control. Guatemalan President Otto Perez Molina has been the most vocal advocate of legalization since taking office in January, while neighboring Honduras led by Porfirio Lobo, is a hard-line prohibitionist, with most other countries spread between these two extremes.

The two key regional players, Colombia and Mexico have voiced rather ambiguous positions. Colombian President Santos has repeatedly expressed his support for legalization, if the rest of the world agrees, a big if indeed, but has refused so far to take the lead of a drug policy reform alliance. He may be getting closer to assuming this role for which he is particularly suited. In his foreword to the report “Governing The Global Drug Wars” published in October by the Transnational Institute, President Santos declared: “The time has come to take a fresh look and we invite world leaders, scientists and experts to start an open, serious and honest debate about this war. The time has come to think outside the box… This is a global problem that demands a global solution, and therefore a new international consensus is needed.”

The Mexican position has been even more puzzling since Calderon took office in 2006 and started a brutal confrontation with the Mexican drug cartels that left over 60,000 casualties, 25,000 disappeared and over 200,000 displaced. Internally, Calderon defended fiercely his hardcore War on Drugs policies, while abroad, he has repeatedly admitted that “market-oriented approaches” should be considered. He even declared on September 24, 2012, at the Council on Foreign Relations: “ Let’s be honest, I don’t see any [solution] other than the regulation of drugs in the global marketplace, starting here, in the United States.” (“Seamos honestos: no se me ocurre otra que no sea la regulación de las drogas en el mercado global, empezando por aquí, por Estados Unidos”). It should be noted that the last two former Mexican Presidents, Vicente Fox and Ernesto Zedillo are both active drug policy reformists.

Mexican president Felipe Calderon term ended on December 1^st, and the position of his successor Enrique Peña Nieto is still unclear. Peña Nieto was invited at the White House on November 27, and the recent legalization of marijuana in Colorado and Washington was on the agenda, even is nothing transpired. While he reiterated his personal opposition to legalization, in a Time interview published on November 27, Peña Nieto acknowledged that it may be time to reassess the War on Drugs and called for a hemispheric debate on its effectiveness. According to Peña Nieto, state legalization “creates certain distortions and incongruences, since it’s in conflict with the [U.S.] federal government… That will impact how Mexico and other countries in the hemisphere respond.” He even raised the possibility that Mexico itself may legalize marijuana.

On the other side of the Atlantic, Portugal and Spain have some of the most liberal drug policies in the world. Portugal, where all drugs have been decriminalized in since 2000, is held as the poster-boy of drug policy reform, while cannabis clubs are legal in Spain, with the blessing of the Spanish Supreme Court.

So, what does the prospect of a UN summit on drug policy means for the drug policy reform movement, and what can be expected from it? There have been after all quite a few similar events since the Adoption of the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs. Will 2016 be the year when reality finally sinks in within the international community that drug prohibition has failed and that it is time to look for more sustainable alternatives? There are good reasons to believe so.

The 1971 Convention on Psychotropic Substances set lofty goals of complete eradication of drug use, toned down to a 50% reduction within 10 years in 1988, a goal reiterated in 1998, but abandoned altogether in 2008 amidst growing restlessness within the UN community. Furthermore, the “soft on drugs” label is rapidly losing its stickiness as the political risk of drug reformist positions is plummeting rapidly. Drug policy reform may even start turning into political asset in some circumscriptions, as was the case in Washington this November, when most of the Democrat political establishment lined up behind the legalization initiative.

As the consensus behind the War on Drugs starts crumbling, and as countries start breaking ranks and rejectthe dominant approach to drug policy altogether, the international community will see reduced opportunities for reprisals and sanctions. Uruguay’s intention to legalize marijuana under state control has been met with rather muted UN opposition so far. Sanctions against Uruguay will be hard to justify if similar sanctions are not imposed on Washington and Colorado, a prospect not even remotely likely, and may just galvanize regional rancor. Other Latin American countries might emulate the Uruguayan model, with neighboring Argentina a real potential candidate.

In the US, the number of medical marijuana states is likely to reach 20 in 2013 as proposals are set to be presented to several state legislatures, including New Hampshire, Illinois and New York. Rhode Island, Maine, Vermont, and Massachusetts, as well as Oregon and Montana may also try to adopt full marijuana legalization through their legislatures, while a legalization initiative is already on the drawing board in California. The battle has even been brought to the US Congress, with a bipartisan bill that would enable the states to make their own marijuana laws. The bill is probably still symbolic at this stage, and stands very little chances, but it may be a harbinger of things to come.

Embroiled in a deep economic and financial crisis, Europe is staying relatively on the sidelines on drug policy issues, even though (or maybe because), European drug policies are generally leaning on the liberal side and drug abuse is substantially lower there than in the US.

Ultimately, the fate of the 2016 special session lies most likely in Washington DC. The US has been the initiator, main architect and chief sponsor of the prohibitionist approach for over a century, and has over the years imposed her prohibitionist policies to the rest of the world. All current international treaties on illicit drugs having been produced and backed by successive US administrations over the past 50 years, a complete U-turn seems unlikely. But with 18 states and the district of Colombia in oblique violation of the international treaties and Colorado and Washington now squarely confronting them, the “tough on drugs” stance is increasingly untenable. Unless it reverses its attitude and draws the lessons from a century of failed prohibitionist rule, the US will be increasingly stuck between a rock and a hard place and her prohibitionist-in-chief posture will become more and more indefensible.

I have argued for quite some time that drug policy reform will be achieved by cracking the US prohibitionist backbone through the combined internal pressure from the states and external pressure from the US allies, principally, in Latin America. In a truly historic year for drug policy reform, the pieces of the global drug policy reform puzzle appeared to be falling into place one by one in 2012, and the US resolve seems to be faltering. The Obama administration appears hesitant after the decisive victories for marijuana legalization in Colorado and Washington. By intensifying the crackdown on medical marijuana over the past few years, Obama brought the War on Drugs to the Caucasian community, which may have further galvanized support for legalization. Whether hidden agenda or law of unintended consequences, it clearly narrowed the administration’s margins of maneuver and crackdowns on the newly legalized marijuana states may backfire even more, further stiffening support for legalization.

While the 2016 special session could easily be derailed, if drug policy reformists, especially in Latin American and within the US, use the next three years to keep resolutely pushing for reform, we may see the emergence of a global coalition and a new global consensus on drug policy. This is an opportunity that reform activists cannot afford to waste.

Jeffrey Dhywood
Investigative writer,
Author of “World War D – The Case against prohibitionism, roadmap to controlled re-legalization”

“World War-D” on Amazon: http://www.amazon.com/dp/0984690409/

www.world-war-d.com
Facebook page: http://www.facebook.com/worldward
Twitter: @JDhywood
jd (at) world-war-d.com

Obama’s quandary

After two decisive victories for marijuana legalization in Colorado and Washington State, what to expect from Obama?

With the historic and decisive victories for marijuana legalization in Colorado and Washington State, the War on Drugs has been dealt a severe blow this November 6^th, and the global drug policy debate has entered a whole new phase. Marijuana is still illegal for the federal government, which overrules states’ rights, and this is probably just the beginning of the battle. The U.S. Department of Justice reacted by saying that its enforcement policies remain unchanged, adding: “We are reviewing the ballot initiative and have no additional comment at this time.”

Medical marijuana also won in a landslide in Massachusetts, bringing to 18 the number of states (plus the district of Colombia) where marijuana is legal for medical purpose, further complicating the task of the Federal Government. A medical marijuana initiative in Arkansas, the first of its kind in the deep-South and the Bible belt, fared much better than expected, ending up narrowly defeated at 49 to 51 when most polls were predicting double-digits loss. This could be indicative of evolving attitudes even in the most conservative parts of the US.

It is quite clear that the status of marijuana poses a real dilemma for Obama and the Democratic Party. Marijuana legalization has wide support among young voters and drug prohibition disproportionally affects minorities, filling jails to the beams. Both constituencies have been keys to Obama’s 2008 and 2012 victories. Marijuana activists were frazzled by the Obama crackdown on medical marijuana dispensaries but at the end of the day they lined up behind him thanks to their deep distrust of Mitt Romney, while they are still hoping that Obama will have a change of heart in his second term.

So, with reelection out of the way, how will the Obama administration react? Marijuana legalization has lost its hot-potato status as the Washington initiative enjoyed mainstream support across the political spectrum. The public is clearly ahead of its politicians on that matter and support for marijuana legalization has been steadily growing nationwide over the past 30 years, a trend unlikely to reverse anytime soon with the aging of its opponent and coming of age of its proponents.

Under such circumstances, Obama would have far more to lose than to win in picking up a battle with Colorado and Washington State; the issue could prove distracting and definitively alienate and demobilize some of his strongest supporters, which could prove costly in the mid-term 2014 election where voters turn-out is traditionally low.

While marijuana legalization could be stuck for years in lengthy legal battles, this would keep the issue in the political debate and the headlines. In a country weary of undue government interference, it will be hard to justify fighting the will of the people, especially when it has been expressed as decisively as it was on November 6^th. Furthermore, prohibitionism might be deeply entrenched, but it has never withstood close scrutiny, as witnessed by countless studies and reports, including the 1972 Shafer Commission’s Report sponsored by the Nixon administration itself and later repudiated for recommending marijuana decriminalization. Drug policy reform would most likely benefit from keeping marijuana legalization in the limelight, as exposure allows it to generally outshine its prohibitionist nemesis.

Moreover, few more states legislatures are expected to take on medical marijuana in 2013, bringing the medical marijuana camp tantalizingly closer to the 25 count when a majority of the states will have legal access to medical marijuana. California is widely expected to present a legalization initiative in 2014 and may be joined by Massachusetts.

Last but not least, most law-enforcement is done by state and local agencies in the US and the federal government would be powerless without their cooperation, which strongly limit its practical options.

Should the Obama administration decide to fight marijuana legalization heads-on, it will clearly go against the tide and could face an uphill battle.

Pressure for drug policy reform is not just internal. Colombia and Mexico, the US’ closest Latin American allies have expressed for a while their growing frustration with the current prohibitionist policies. Now Guatemala, long a pariah state emerging from a decades-long civil war plagued with human-rights abuses, is trying to garner support throughout the region for a radical reevaluation of drug policy and a debate about legalization and proper control of all drugs.

There is also risk (or hope depending on where people stand on the issue) of a domino effect. The US elections have been watched closely by the activist community all over the world, from neighboring Canada to Australia and New Zealand, and through Latin America and Europe. The Colorado and Washington victories may have opened the Pandora box, and many states, provinces and countries could follow.

On the other hand, the US has been the world’s prohibitionist-in-chief for over a century, and has over the years imposed her prohibitionist policies to the rest of the world. All current international treaties on illicit drugs having been produced and backed by successive US administrations over the past 50 years, a complete U-turn seems unlikely. But with 18 states and the district of Colombia in oblique violation of the international treaties and Colorado and Washington now squarely confronting them, the “tough on drugs” stance is increasingly untenable. Unless it reverses its attitude and draws the lessons from a century of failed prohibitionist rule, the US will be increasingly stuck between a rock and a hard place and her prohibitionist-in-chief posture will become more and more indefensible.

2012 has certainly been a momentous year for drug policy reform, with a bumper crop of firsts:

Otto Perez Molina, from Guatemala, was the first president to formally and forcefully call for legalization and proper control of all drugs last January.
Drug legalization was placed on the agenda on the Summit of the Americas in April 2012
Uruguay announced its intention to legalize marijuana under state control in June 2012
Colombia, Guatemala and Mexico formally requested an open debate about drug policy reform at the 2012 UN General Assembly.
And of course, the states of Colorado and Washington voted decisively to legalize marijuana on November 6, 2012

In another notable development, US’ closest ally, Israel, is expanding its medical marijuana program, fueled by its strong research sector in medicine and technology with active governmental support.

Will 2012 be the year when the US acknowledges at long last the failure of her prohibitionist policies and start exploring less destructive, more realistic and pragmatic alternatives? Substance abuse is here to stay and tackling it is a matter of being smarter rather than tougher. Public mobilization behind the issue will be critical. Petitions and other forms of public pressure are likely to emerge both in support and against marijuana legalization and drug policy reform in general.

It should be noted that beyond the fate of particular initiatives or policies, powerful global trends are at play here. While alcohol has been the dominant psychoactive substance and social lubricant of Western civilization since its inception over 8,000 years ago, and while Western civilization has dominated the world for the past few centuries, globalization is rapidly shifting the geopolitical tectonic plates. As the world accelerates its move towards multipolarity, where no single power exerts overwhelming dominance, alcohol is also losing its psychoactive dominance to become just one of many psychoactive modalities, being replaced firstly by psychopharmaceuticals, followed by marijuana, more properly called cannabis.

At the end of the day, the days of prohibition are most likely counted and it will fade away with the American century that started with the 1908 Shanghai conference, the event that set the foundations of global prohibition, on the eve of World War-I.

Jeffrey Dhywood
Investigative writer,
Author of “World War D – The Case against prohibitionism, roadmap to controlled re-legalization”

“World War-D” on Amazon: http://www.amazon.com/dp/0984690409/

www.world-war-d.com
Facebook page: http://www.facebook.com/worldward
Twitter: @JDhywood
jd (at) world-war-d.com

Are we turning a corner in the War on Drugs?

The likely victory of marijuana legalization in Washington and Colorado will transform the global drug policy debate

A landmark victory of marijuana legalization in Washington and Colorado will put internal & external pressure for drug policy reform on the US and weaken its hand with its restive Latin American allies.

A likely marijuana legalization victory will transform the global drug policy debate

After declaring in 1971 “We must wage total war against public enemy number one in the United State, the problem of dangerous drugs”, President Richard Nixon prematurely claimed victory On September 11, 1973, “We turned the corner on drug addiction in the United states. Drug addiction is under control.” Almost 40 years later, we might indeed be turning a corner in the war on drugs, though not quite the corner envisioned by Nixon, as 2012 is poised to enter the history books as a turning point in the failed war on drugs, and will hopefully signal the beginning of its unfolding.

Discontent about the failed war on drugs policies has been brewing for quite a while, especially in Latin America, but outside of that region, the debate rarely reached much beyond academic and activist circles. Things changed in June 2011 when drug policy reform grabbed the headlines across the world for the very first time with the publication of the Global Commission on Drug Policy Report. The report was signed by an impressive slate of prestigious individuals including seven former heads of state and the former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, and was a seminal event for drug policy reform. Another seminal event, The Merida Declaration on December 6, 2011, went virtually unnoticed by the media and drug policy experts alike. Issued at the Tuxtla Dialogue and Agreement Mechanism in Yucatan, Mexico, the declaration was signed by eleven heads of state and high-level representatives of Central America and the Caribbean, including Mexico, Colombia and Chile, and asked “consuming countries … to explore possible alternatives …, including regulatory or market oriented options.”

2012 started with a bang when retired right-wing general Otto Perez Molina, newly elected president of impoverished Guatemala, rattled the world and instantly placed his country on the map by declaring the war on drugs a failure and forcefully advocating legalization. Guatemala is one of the world’s worst-hit countries by narco-violence, together with its unfortunate neighbors, Honduras and Salvador, and recently emerged from a decades-long brutal civil war.

Perez Molina has been unwavering ever since. He brought the drug legalization debate to the April Summit of the Americas, a gathering of all heads of state across the continent, from Canada to Tierra del Fuego, except Cuba (banned by the US). More recently, he brought the debate to the UN general Assembly and was joined by Mexico and Colombia, the two major US allies in the War on Drugs, for a call to revise the international treaties on illicit drugs.

As Perez Molina is actively trying to build a coalition for drug policy reform, he announced on Thursday a planned meeting with newly re-elected Hugo Chavez with legalization on the agenda. Venezuela is a major entry-point on the transit route of cocaine to the US through its extremely porous frontier with Colombia, and has often been a safe haven for Colombian narco-traffickers. However, the relationship between the Chavez regime and his cumbersome guests seems to be turning sour as violence has escalated dramatically in the country. Leftish Chavez joining right-wing Perez Molina in a coalition for drug policy reform might mollify the other members of the leftish Latin American coalition that includes Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia. Left-leaning Argentina president Kirchner might join as well. Uruguay announced in June its intention to legalize marijuana under state control and the proposal is currently churning through the legislative process.

The US being by far, the largest market for illegal drugs in the world, the marijuana legalization initiatives on the ballot in Colorado, Washington and Oregon take special significance in such a context. It is noteworthy that the US Justice Department has so far refrained from taking a position on these initiatives despite being urged by legalization opponents.

November 6 is likely to be a watershed moment for marijuana legalization and drug policy reform with the marijuana legalization initiatives standing very good chances in Colorado and Washington. Both initiatives enjoy wide support across the political spectrum ranging from the state democratic party to the GOP US Senate Candidate for Washington, Michael Baumgartner, or former GOP Congressman Tom Tancredo in Colorado. Sponsored by former US attorney John McKay and current City Attorney Peter Holmes, and with backing from the mayor and the entire city council of Seattle as well as the Seattle Times, the Washington initiative lines up the most impressive slate of main-stream backing and enjoys double digit margins in the polls. Curiously, in Washington and Colorado, the staunchest opposition is coming from the medical marijuana communities. The Oregon initiative, placing no restrictions on cultivation for personal use, is generally considered too radical and faces an uphill battle. A medical marijuana initiative, currently polling at a whopping 69%, could provide the icing on the cake with a landslide victory in Massachusetts.

A victory for marijuana legalization initiatives in the US would have momentous implications for Latin America and would place the federal government in an awkward position, caught between internal and external pressure for reform. It would certainly weaken its hands in its negotiations with its increasingly restive allies in the war on drugs. It might also give the needed impetus for the crystallization of a coalition of the willing and rally the support of the countries such as Costa Rica that have prudently stayed on the sideline until now.

The 22^nd Ibero-American Summit, held on November 16 – 17 2012 in Cadiz, hosted by Spain and attended by Portugal and most Latin American countries will provide a good test of the effects of a marijuana legalization victory. Portugal and Spain having some of the most liberal drug policies in the world, this summit should offer a favorable environment for an open debate on drug policy reform. Scheduled 10 days after the November US election, it might embolden Colombia and Mexico to take more assertive positions. It may also present an opportunity for the budding coalition to grow some offshoots or support on the old continent.

Unknown is the potential reaction of the federal government to state legalization. While a lot depends on who will be the next host of the White House, the next president’s options might be limited, especially as a likely solid victory in Washington and a landslide medical marijuana victory in Massachusetts might diametrically reverse the political risk of marijuana legalization, with opposition to the issue becoming increasingly politically risky.

If the federal government chooses confrontation, it can expect a vigorous fight from the states. Already, the City of Oakland became on October 11, the first known jurisdiction to sue the federal government to protect its medical marijuana industry. Lawsuits are being brought in San Diego to reverse federal convictions in medical marijuana cases. There is no doubt that victory in November will embolden the states to resist federal interference with their marijuana policies. A corner will most likely be turned in the War on Drugs on November 6, 2012, a corner towards legalization.

Jeffrey Dhywood
Investigative writer,
Author of “World War D – The Case against prohibitionism, roadmap to controlled re-legalization”

www.world-war-d.com
Facebook page: http://www.facebook.com/worldward
Twitter: @JDhywood
jd (at) world-war-d.com

MJ legalization initiatives and emergence of a coalition for drug policy reform in Latin American

In a significant development in the rapidly evolving drug policy debate, the governments of Colombia, Guatemala and Mexico issued on Monday October 1 a joint declaration demanding the UN revision of drug policy. In their declaration, the three countries denounce the failure of the current prohibitionist drug policies and request “That the United Nations [] exercise it´s leadership … to analyze all available options, including regulatory or market measures, in order to establish a new paradigm that prevents the flow of resources to organized crime organizations.” The three governments “invite Member States of the Organization of the United Nations to undertake very soon a consultation process” and call for “an international conference to allow the necessary decisions in order to achieve more effective strategies and tools with which the global community faces the challenge of drugs and their consequences.”

Read the entire declaration in Spanish, and its English translation

In another development, the Mexican businessman Ricardo Salinas, head of the Grupo Salinas and of TV Azteca, advocated drug legalization at the annual meeting of the Association of American Chambers of Commerce in Latin America in Washington DC. This is quite significant because Salinas is one of the major backers of President elect Pena Nieto, who will take office on December 1.

It seems that we are witnessing the emergence of a Latin American coalition for drug policy reform led by Guatemala, Colombia and Mexico. The active support of Colombia and Mexico would undoubtedly change the balance of power and turn the tables on the US.

In this context, a victory for one or more of the marijuana legalization initiatives in November could be game changer, especially as the number of medical marijuana states keeps growing, most of them solidly democrats or democrat-leaning. If reelected, Obama and the Democratic Party might finally realize that they have more to lose than to gain in pursuing their current hard-line policies. Meanwhile, an internal challenge to the prohibitionist drug policy would seriously weaken the US hands in the drug policy debate with its Latin American allies.

Success is definitively within reach in Colorado and Washington, but you support is urgently needed. First, if you live in Colorado, Oregon or Washington, you must of course go to the poll. But if you don’t there are many ways to support, starting with donations.

If you order “World War-D” on our website http://www.world-war-d.com/ before November 1st, 2012, we will donate $5.00 to the campaign of your choice. Just follow the instruction in your order confirmation email to select the campaign you wish to support.

You can also donate directly to the campaigns:
o   Colorado Amendment 64
o   Oregon Cannabis Tax Act (Measure 80)
o   Washington Initiative 502

2012 will be marked as a turning point in drug policy reform. Be part of history!
Thank you for your support

Jeffrey Dhywood
Investigative writer,
Author of “World War D – The Case against prohibitionism, roadmap to controlled re-legalization”
Download a free 50 pages excerpt of “World war-D”
Facebook page: http://www.facebook.com/worldward
Follow me on Twitter: @JDhywood

LinkedIn: http://hk.linkedin.com/in/jdhywood

http://www.world-war-d.com/2012/10/03/declaracion-conjunta-de-los-gobiernos-de-colombia-guatemala-y-mexico/

http://www.vanguardia.com.mx/salinaspliegopideacamaradecomerciodeeulegalizardrogas-1386975.html

Declaración Conjunta de los Gobiernos de Colombia, Guatemala y México

Colombia, Guatemala and Mexico issued a joint declaration demanding the UN revision of drug policy — Analyze all available options, including regulatory or market measures, in order to establish a new paradigm

Nueva York, 01 de octubre de 2012

Los Gobiernos de Colombia, Guatemala y México, convencidos de que la delincuencia organizada transnacional y, en especial, la violencia que ésta despliega para llevar a cabo sus actividades delictivas, representan un grave problema que compromete al desarrollo, la seguridad y la convivencia democrática en todas las naciones, y que la Organización de Naciones Unidas debe atender con carácter urgente esta problemática:

Declaran:

1. Que el consumo de drogas ilícitas es un poderoso incentivo para las actividades de organizaciones criminales en todas las regiones del mundo.

2. Que a pesar de los esfuerzos emprendidos por la comunidad internacional a lo largo de décadas, el consumo de esas sustancias sigue incrementándose a nivel global, lo que genera cuantiosos ingresos para las organizaciones criminales en todo el mundo.

3. Que al contar con recursos financieros de enorme magnitud, las organizaciones de la delincuencia organizada transnacional son capaces de penetrar y corromper las instituciones de los Estados.

4. Que resulta esencial aplicar medidas más eficaces para evitar los flujos ilegales de armas hacia las organizaciones de delincuentes.

5. Que mientras no se detenga el flujo de recursos de los consumidores de drogas y de armas hacia las organizaciones delictivas, éstas continuarán amenazando a nuestras sociedades y nuestros gobiernos.

6. Que, en consecuencia, resulta inaplazable revisar el enfoque mantenido hasta ahora por la comunidad internacional en materia de drogas, con el fin de detener los flujos de dinero proveniente del mercado ilícito de drogas.

7. Que esa revisión debe realizarse con todo rigor y responsabilidad, sobre bases científicas, con el fin de establecer políticas públicas eficaces en este ámbito.

8. Que los Estados deben intensificar sus esfuerzos para seguir fortaleciendo las instituciones y las políticas de cada país en la prevención y sanción del delito; sus programas sociales en educación, salud, esparcimiento y empleo; así como la prevención y el tratamiento de adicciones para preservar el tejido social.

9. Que los Estados deben refrendar su compromiso de combatir con determinación, y de acuerdo al principio de responsabilidad compartida y diferenciada, a los grupos criminales transnacionales a través de mecanismos de cooperación internacional.

10. Que la Organización de las Naciones Unidas debe ejercer el liderazgo que le corresponde en este esfuerzo y conducir una profunda reflexión que analice todas las opciones disponibles, incluyendo medidas regulatorias o de mercado, a fin de establecer un nuevo paradigma que impida el flujo de recursos hacia las organizaciones del crimen organizado.

11. En este sentido, los Gobiernos de Colombia, Guatemala y México invitan a los Estados miembros de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas a emprender a la brevedad un proceso de consultas que permita, hacer un balance de los alcances y las limitaciones de la política vigente, así como acerca de la violencia que generan la producción, el tráfico y el consumo de drogas en el mundo.

Consideramos que estos resultados deberían culminar en una conferencia internacional que permita tomar las decisiones necesarias a fin de dar mayor eficacia a las estrategias y los instrumentos con los que la comunidad global hace frente al reto de las drogas y sus consecuencias.

Joint declaration of Colombia, Guatemala and Mexico concerning UN revision on drug policy

The governments of Colombia, Guatemala and Mexico, are convinced that transnational organized crime and in particular the violence it generates when carrying out their criminal activities, present a serious problem that compromises the development, security and democratic coexistence of all nations, and that the United Nations must urgently address this issue:
We declare:
1. That use of illicit drug is a powerful incentive for the activities of criminal organizations in all regions of the world.

2. That despite the efforts of the international community over decades, the use of these substances continues to increase globally, generating substantial income for criminal organizations worldwide.

3. That having financial resources of enormous magnitude, organizations of transnational organized crime are able to penetrate and corrupt institutions of the States.

4. That it is essential to implement effective measures to prevent illegal flows of arms to criminal organizations.

5. As long as the flow of resources from drug and weapons to criminal organizations are not stopped, they will continue to threaten our societies and governments.

6. That, consequently, it is urgent to review the approach so far maintained by the international community on drugs, in order to stop the flow of money from the illicit drug market.

7. That this review should be conducted with rigor and responsibility, on a scientific basis, in order to establish effective public policies in this area.

8. That nations should intensify their efforts to further strengthen the institutions and policies of each country in the prevention and punishment of crime, their social programs in education, health, leisure and employment, as well as prevention and treatment of addictions to preserve social fabric.

9. That states should endorse their commitment to fight with determination and according to the principle of shared and differentiated responsibility, transnational criminal groups through mechanisms of international cooperation.

10. That the United Nations should exercise it´s leadership, as is it´s mandate, in this effort and conduct deep reflection to analyze all available options, including regulatory or market measures, in order to establish a new paradigm that prevents the flow of resources to organized crime organizations.

11. In this regard, the governments of Colombia, Guatemala and Mexico invite Member States of the Organization of the United Nations to undertake very soon a consultation process that allows, taking stock of the strengths and limitations of the current policy, and about the violence generated by the production, trafficking and consumption of drugs in the world.

We believe that these results should culminate in an international conference to allow the necessary decisions in order to achieve more effective strategies and tools with which the global community faces the challenge of drugs and their consequences.

Issued on Oct. 1, 2012.

Free Translation: The Guatemala Times –

http://www.guatemala-times.com/news/guatemala/3332-joint-declaration-of-colombia-guatemala-and-mexico-demanding-un-revision-on-drug-policy.html

Drug legalization debate brought to the UN General Assembly

The 76^th UN assembly opened its doors in New York yesterday, Monday September 24, and for the first time ever, drug legalization will be brought up by no less than three Latin American heads of state.

Both Guatemalan and Colombian presidents have scheduled talks on Wednesday and both have already announced their intention to bring up the issue of global drug policy reform. Guatemalan president Perez Molina has been the most forthcoming, and announced his intention to ask for a global dialog about new approaches to the fight against drug trafficking, including drug legalization. He will also request a revision to the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs of 1961 as amended by the 1972 Protocol. Perez Molina reiterated that the 50 years old war on drugs has failed and that it is time to look for more viable alternatives.

Colombian president Santos has been more ambiguous, and while he has been building up expectations for his upcoming talk at the UN, he also reminded that drug trafficking is punished by death penalty in many parts of the world. Let’s hope this is not what he means when he talk about “grabbing the bull by the horns”. More likely, Santos is contrasting the two extreme approaches of free-market and death sentencing to the current failed policies. While he has been hinting for a while his support for controlled regulation, so far, he has failed to take a resolute stand.

The case of Calderon is more puzzling. Yesterday, September 24, the Mexican president, whose term ends on December 1^st, conceded: “ Let’s be honest, I don’t see any [solution] other than the regulation of drugs in the global marketplace, starting here, in the United States.” (“Seamos honestos: no se me ocurre otra que no sea la regulación de las drogas en el mercado global, empezando por aquí, por Estados Unidos”). He then lamented the 60,000 deaths caused by his own militarization of the fight against narco-trafficking. Where was he for the past 6 years? Will Calderon join the exclusive but growing club of retired heads of states asking for drug policy reform? As it seems that his market approach epiphany dates back to 2011 at least, one wonders why he didn’t act on it while he was in position to do so. As for his successor Enrique Peña Nieto, he has been wavering back and forth and his position seems hard to pinpoint, but as recently as Monday September 4^th, he has been encouraged by Calderon himself to explore other alternatives, the codeword for legalization.

It is significant that the debate is brought up by three conservative, well-respected heads of state with impeccable credentials, representing countries that have paid a very high price in the war on drugs. While it is doubtful that the UN discourses about drug policy reform could result in any concrete action in the near future, it still marks a significant shift, especially as the UN Assembly is an opportunity for multilateral exploratory contacts that may coalesce down the line into a coalition of the willing to legalize. Santos will meet in New York with UK Prime Minister David Cameron, who advocated drug policy reform before assuming office, but backed off since then. The path to global drug policy reform must pass through the UN sooner or later. This could be the exploratory stage of the process.

Santos has repeatedly affirmed his support for controlled legalization, always adding the caveats that legalization can only work globally, that it cannot be implemented unilaterally, and that he doesn’t want to take the lead of a coalition for legalization. Still, someone will need to bite the bullet and take the lead sooner or later. Perez Molina has tried to assume this role since taking office last January, but Guatemala is a clout-less, small impoverished country emerging from a brutal civil war; it was considered a pariah state plagued by human right abuses and systemic corruption until very recently. Molina was met with staunch opposition by his immediate neighbors Nicaragua, Honduras and El Salvador. Only Costa Rica responded favorably to Perez Molina’s initiative, who also got the ambiguous support of Colombia. Drug legalization was discussed at the April 15-16 OAS (Organization of American States) Summit in Cartagena, Colombia, but such discussion didn’t go much further than the acknowledgment that legalization is a valid point of discussion. As usual, a commission has been created to study drug policy alternatives, with a report scheduled for publication in June 2013; considering that the report will need the US and Canadian seal of approval, expectations shouldn’t be set too high.

Bottom-line: as Perez Molina is acutely aware, a Latin American coalition for drug policy reform won’t go anywhere without Colombia and Mexico onboard, and Latin America is the only part of the world where global drug policy reform can be initiated. Nevertheless, even if a lot remains to be done, we must acknowledge the astounding progress made since January of this year. A taboo has undoubtedly been broken; drug policy reform has become an almost mandatory topic at international meetings involving Latin America countries. Tiny Uruguay is debating the legalization of marijuana under state control; after having been dubbed the Switzerland of Latin America, Uruguay could very well become the Portugal of Latin America. The prospect of marijuana legalization in Uruguay has been met with surprisingly tepid opposition from the UN and the US, who might secretly welcome a sort of social and regulatory laboratory in this prosperous, non-strategic country with a long tradition of independence and great human rights records.

The November elections in the US could also be a game-changer if marijuana legalization initiatives are approved in Colorado and Washington State as polls seem to indicate. Such a move would most likely embolden Latin America.

Finally, we should keep our eyes open for the 22^nd Ibero-America Summit, November 16 – 17 2012 in Cadiz, hosted by Spain and attended by Portugal and most Latin American countries. Portugal and Spain having some of the most liberal drug policies in the world, this summit should offer a favorable environment for an open debate on drug policy reform. Scheduled after the November US election, it might embolden Colombia and Mexico to take more assertive positions, especially if marijuana legalization initiatives succeed in Washington and/or Colorado.

Jeffrey Dhywood
Investigative writer,
Author of “World War D – The Case against prohibitionism, roadmap to controlled re-legalization”

Download a free 50 pages excerpt of “World war-D”

Facebook page: http://www.facebook.com/worldward

Follow me on Twitter: @JDhywood

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Category: Guatemala

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Guatemalan President Otto Perez Molina: A man on a mission

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3 years to shift the balance of power from the drug prohibitionist camp to the reformist camp at the UN

Further readings

Obama’s quandary

After two decisive victories for marijuana legalization in Colorado and Washington State, what to expect from Obama?

Are we turning a corner in the War on Drugs?

The likely victory of marijuana legalization in Washington and Colorado will transform the global drug policy debate

A landmark victory of marijuana legalization in Washington and Colorado will put internal & external pressure for drug policy reform on the US and weaken its hand with its restive Latin American allies.

MJ legalization initiatives and emergence of a coalition for drug policy reform in Latin American

Declaración Conjunta de los Gobiernos de Colombia, Guatemala y México

Joint declaration of Colombia, Guatemala and Mexico concerning UN revision on drug policy

Drug legalization debate brought to the UN General Assembly